By Erin Sherbert
By Erin Sherbert
By Leif Haven
By Erin Sherbert
By Chris Roberts
By Kate Conger
By Brian Rinker
By Rachel Swan
Actors dressed as doctors hover over a comatose patient on an ER-like set. Instead of properly curing the poor fellow, they cover him in Band-Aids. A baritone voice explains that the mocked-up operating room is analogous to current budget negotiations between Mayor Gavin Newsom and the Board of Supervisors. The politicians are supposedly patching up, rather than truly fixing, the budget.
The ad was paid for by the California Urban Issues Project, a secretive outfit whose public evidence of existence consists of these advertisements, some San Francisco Ethics Commission and IRS filings, and, most prominent by far, a Web page dominated by a signed letter from Newsom saying, "I applaud citizen organizations like the California Urban Issues Project that strive, every day, to make our city a terrific place to live. Together we can accomplish great things."
Gavin Christopher Newsom is riding extraordinarily high right now. He held a press conference last week in which he and members of the Board of Supervisors accurately touted a genial, professional, and altogether productive working relationship that the Mayor's Office forged with supervisors during budget negotiations. He's still coasting on ethereal approval ratings in the wake of his gay-marriage advocacy. And Newsom is earning astounding press these days, in which even his throwaway photo-ops are covered as front-page news.
In short, Newsom wouldn't seem to need the California Urban Issues Project, a furtive vehicle that funnels money from business interests into political campaigns that just happen to support Newsom. The project appears to tickle the frontiers of what's allowed by campaign finance law, claiming that spending seemingly aimed at benefiting the success of a particular politician is really just aimed at the general public good. The identities of the project's corporate financial backers, meanwhile, remain hidden, because the group is registered with the IRS as a "public welfare" charity that, by law, doesn't have to reveal its donors.
Just the same, Gavin Newsom plays right along with this business "project," even helping it publicly dissemble about its provenance.
Newsom's backers appear to be stretching the definition of what's allowed under federal tax rules that don't permit public-welfare groups to dedicate themselves mostly to promoting political campaigns. And the California Urban Issues Project would seem to be inviting a request for the IRS to reconsider the group's nonprofit designation.
Does anyone out there have a spare postage stamp?
The California Urban Issues Project is similar to other nonprofit groups that have been formed around the country in response to federal campaign finance reforms that outlaw large special-interest donations of so-called "soft money" to political parties and candidates. Now, the special interests give their large donations to nonprofit, tax-exempt organizations, created under an IRS category that aims to encourage funding of politically neutral work that advances the public good.
In an oft-repeated scenario, these supposedly nonpartisan nonprofits -- which, often, are vehemently Democratic or Republican, depending -- run political attack ads on TV. Campaign finance reform groups complain that the ads run afoul of soft-money laws. The ads' backers argue that they are merely trying to raise public awareness about public-welfare issues. The local newspaper carries a he-said/she-said story quoting the complainers and the defenders.
And that's about it.
But behind the chatter there's a substantial issue at hand. IRS rules say that "social welfare" -- of the sort 501(c)(4) organizations are allowed to promote -- specifically "does not include participation or intervention in political campaigns." In legal cases over the question of whether this kind of organization may "engage primarily in political campaign activities," according to an explanatory essay on the IRS Web site, "the answer has been no."
But the California Urban Issues Project spent money backing the "Care Not Cash" campaign that launched Newsom's mayoral candidacy. It's the group that bought $100,000 worth of automated phone calls, door hangers, and TV ads denouncing Newsom's mayoral opponent, Matt Gonzalez, according to San Francisco campaign finance records and interviews with people who received the calls and mailers. And it's a group that seems intent on continuing to spend large amounts of money on political ads that just happen to seem helpful to Gavin Newsom.
In filings with the San Francisco Ethics Commission, the project acknowledges paying political consultants for "opposing [an] increase in real estate transfer tax" -- without mentioning that the money went toward automated phone calls that targeted homeowners with the message that Gonzalez wished to raise taxes on their property. In those filings, the project notes that it funded mailers and phone calls "opposing [the] supervisorial pay raise" -- without mentioning that the calls ran in concert with Newsom's campaign stump speech, which attacked Gonzalez for approving a supervisorial pay raise.
Ethics Commission filings for the current ER-themed television ads that parody the supervisors' work on the budget aren't in yet. But it's pretty clear that the ads go far beyond simply advocating for the public good; they politic toward a Newsom-dominated Board of Supervisors.
In the looming fall supervisory elections, Newsom opponents -- including Supervisors Aaron Peskin, Jake McGoldrick, Tom Ammiano, and Gerardo Sandoval -- are up for re-election. Matt Gonzalez has announced that he will not run for re-election, and the vote in his Haight-Ashbury district stands to tip the balance of the Board of Supervisors, either for or against Newsom. In the view of Newsom's advisers, the mayor's political success during the next three years will depend in part on whether November's vote produces an amenable board.