Subjected to the light of day, Sarah Palin doesn't look like a maverick at all.
Ronald Taylor is one of perhaps hundreds of innocent people Harris County has put in prison.
Sloppy U.S. government paperwork is putting the lives of asylum seekers at risk.
As one member after another stepped up to a temporary podium to denounce "officials in Washington, D.C.," UHW president Rosselli, a smallish man in neatly pressed shirt and pants and short-cropped hair, rocked on his heels in time with the chanting.
Stern is "trying to intimidate me," Rosselli said in an interview. "He's used to being able to crush people who speak out against him."
This show of force is designed to make the SEIU's national leadership think twice before attempting to take over union facilities, freeze bank accounts, and fire staff loyal to Rosselli.
This procedure, called "trusteeship," was designed to oust corrupt local bosses. In this case, however, the power play appears to have little to do with corruption, despite Stern's strong language. Instead, he appears to be threatening a takeover of this SEIU affiliate as punishment for moves by Rosselli to upend the cozy alliance between the union and nursing home chains. Carlson, for his part, points out that Rosselli had resisted efforts by Stern to move UHW-West nursing home workers into another SEIU affiliate — one whose leaders happen to be more amenable to collaboration, rather than confrontation, with nursing home companies.
Discerning the truth or falsehood of Stern's corruption claims may require a judge. But there's plenty of evidence that something other than corruption has boiled the blood of SEIU's leadership.
"We discovered some top-down deals made between SEIU Washington, D.C. staff with our nursing home employers that ... limit their voice to speak up for themselves and their patients," Rosselli said on the radio show Democracy Now on Feb. 15.
On the same program, Stern ally and SEIU executive board member Dave Regan, who has served as a Stern proxy in this dispute, suggested Rosselli's words constituted treason. "This is the absolute, most despicable kind of behavior that Sal is willing, through his actions on this program, in California and other places, to weaken the strength of members of my union," Regan said.
Reporters rarely cover organized labor anymore unless there's a major strike. So internal union goings-on fit in the public mind somewhere near confusing yet vital topics such as the mortgage-based-derivative instruments that nearly tanked the U.S. economy last month. Both are arcane subjects not worth paying attention to until catastrophe falls.
But the outcome of the SEIU internal dispute could mean life or death for patients nationwide. If Stern succeeds in taking over California's largest healthcare union based on trumped-up charges against Rosselli, it could ensure the success of a cynical view of healthcare labor relations where contracts are the result of self-interested collaboration between union bosses and corporations, to the exclusion of workers' and patients' interest.
To understand the stakes in this feud, it's useful to revisit the tragic death eight years ago of Mary Hochman, a 52-year-old night nurse at Beverly La Cumbre nursing home, a Santa Barbara affiliate of Beverly Enterprises for which Carlson served as California-based vice president of operations.
According to news accounts, Hochman walked onto a beach and shot herself in the heart after a months-long dispute with her employer. Her problems began when she tried to report that a nurse's aide had hit an 81-year-old man with dementia. According to Contra Costa Times reporter Carolyn McMillan, Hochman said in a sworn affidavit that she was told to cover up the information.
"If a nurse cannot protect her patients, I do not want to be a nurse," Hochman wrote in her suicide note. "This has taken all hope away from me."
Hochman's note, along with a journal detailing instances where she was told to cover up incidents of abuse and neglect, helped spur a federal raid on the nursing home. A subsequent investigation revealed patients suffering beatings and maggot-infested bedsores, culminating in a $2 million settlement against Beverly relating to preventable deaths. The investigation also spawned a dozen civil suits, according to press reports.
After the Hochman investigation and settlement, Beverly Enterprises sold off its nursing homes in California and Carlson took on his consulting role as head of the California Alliance for Nursing Home Reform.
As a result of the agreement, nursing homes obtained what some calculate as $3 billion in additional state subsidies thanks to a bill pushed by the SEIU. The union also lobbied to ensure the bill did not include provisions supported by patients' rights groups that would have set standards guaranteeing high-quality care. The union added hundreds of nursing home workers to its ranks. But the labor contracts that resulted included a scandalous detail: The union was discouraged from informing regulators, or the press, in cases of bad patient care. Under traditional contracts, whistle-blowers such as Hochman could report abuses to the union and feel protected. The Alliance contracts, however, seemed to have the opposite intent.
Under California's understaffed, toothless system, lawsuits are one of the few deterrents for-profit nursing home chains face to prevent them from turning their facilities into charnel houses. Tort reform of the type advocated by the Alliance might remove this deterrent.
Under Stern's "modern" collaborative strategy, such protections are apparently worth sacrificing to grow the union. And during the next few weeks, readers will see a confusing account of his efforts to enforce this view.