Wiener can work with that. "The prevailing attitude in San Francisco is that if you promote business, development, and the tech industry, you'll be serving everyone," admits Supervisor John Avalos. The progressive stalwart is candid in his assessment of Wiener: "The city has come to him."
Scott Wiener irrevocably transitioned from the politician he was to the politician he is in 2008, when he met with Peskin in the president of the Board of Supervisors' North Beach abode. Wiener, then the head of the San Francisco Democratic Party, was given an ultimatum. He could retain his position as Democratic chair if and only if he agreed to a series of terms favorable to Peskin and the party's progressive wing. These stipulations were non-negotiable, and Wiener refused them. Peskin set about swaying members of the party to dump the incumbent and install him. And, via an 18-16 vote, he succeeded. Wiener's Harvard chums David Chiu and David Campos — both of whom he'd aided politically — flipped on him. After the vote, Wiener shook hands with erstwhile supporters who'd betrayed him, sighing, "People continue to disappoint me."
J. P. Dobrin
Those close to Scott Wiener say he's not "too uptight or too serious. ... He is very comfortable in his skin and very comfortable with other people."
Joe Eskenazi
Upon being sworn in as a supervisor in 2011, Scott Wiener realizes he is too big
for his desk.
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So, not quite five years down the road, it's hardly surprising that even left-leaning groups seek out Wiener as a legislative co-sponsor specifically because he won't shy away from conflict with Peskin. Wiener is not conflict-averse.
On issues where every last stakeholder desires change, he's happy to hug it out, orchestrating countless meetings and kicking around draft proposal after draft proposal. But in situations where "you know groups of people don't want legislation to happen, period, and will do everything they can to sabotage it," he says, Wiener removes his velvet glove. His proposed ordinances are crafted largely sans negotiations, and are effectively "opening offers," which "forces the other side to negotiate," says the former litigator.
"He throws everything but the kitchen sink in there," notes transportation and environmental activist Tom Radulovich. "That creates rancor. But it works." Radulovich, in fact, has been happy to pass material to Wiener, whom he characterizes as "a very effective legislator."
"Scott doesn't have a lot of patience for the San Francisco layers of progress — the 'We had 400 meetings about this' thing," continues Radulovich. "Once Scott sets his mind on what he's gonna do, that's what he does. Other supervisors get bogged down or scared when someone says, 'Oh, you should have 400 meetings.' Scott's boldness and impatience can be a virtue. He'll often say, 'It's been through enough process, it's gotta be fine by now.' The Peskins of the world live on process. This is why he and they clash."
In the short term, Peskin's 2008 usurpation paid off handsomely. Every cause or candidate the local party endorsed or directed resources toward came up aces; progressives swept the '08 Board elections. Two years later, however, the Midas touch evaporated. And Wiener had, methodically, been canvassing District 8 all the while. "This guy had been knocking on doors for two years. Two years! Nobody does that," says Peskin. "I gotta tell you — this guy works his ass off." Wiener knocked on more than 15,000 doors on weekends, evenings, and lunch breaks between 2008 and '10. He wrote up 24 monthly campaign plans in the two years prior to the election. And he handily bested Rebecca Prozan, as well as anointed progressive and Democratic Party choice Mandelman.
"Progressives have the unique ability of turning potential friends into enemies and creating tests that people fail. Then we rail against them and make them even worse," says Mandelman. When Wiener bucked the Chamber of Commerce, they were still happy to break bread with him at clubby breakfast meetings. But when the younger Wiener didn't adhere to every commandment carried down from the progressive mountain, he was purged. "Scott took what could have been a devastating setback and made it into a cause célèbre," continues Mandelman. "In the process, we turned an ally into an opponent."
Attempts to squash Wiener in '08 only made him stronger. The progressives who rail against him and his vision for the city can take some credit for empowering Wiener to be in a position to enact it.
The packet of accomplishments Wiener hands out to those curious about how he spends his days is 10 pages long. Even politically studious voters may not be aware of the broad swath of subjects Wiener has addressed, or the intense minutiae he wallows in. He's clearly doing things — but it's such a range of things that it's difficult to explain to voters just what he's doing. Wiener is, simply, a doer.
On the highly contentious issues he's taken on — preservation, CEQA — he's forced small groups of entrenched activists to explain, in highly technical terms, why the status quo should be maintained for intensely complex processes no one could argue work well. Wiener, meanwhile, takes the easier path of claiming he's simply trying to reform a broken system. In his high-profile anti-nudity battle, it's easy for him to maintain his desired image of the adult in the room when his opponents petulantly remove their clothing or brag on the Internet about attempts to ambush Wiener and photograph his genitals, perineum, or anal region.